Weekly Report August 26 to September 02

UN Weighs Expansion of International Force as Haiti’s Gang Crisis Deepens

The United Nations Security Council has opened discussions on a proposal to enlarge and restructure the international mission deployed to Haiti, as armed groups tighten their hold on Port-au-Prince and surrounding areas.

The draft resolution, introduced by the United States and Panama, would replace the existing Multinational Security Support Mission (MSSM) with a new entity tentatively named the Gang Suppression Force. The envisioned operation would rely on voluntary financial contributions from participating nations, similar to the current model, but would feature a restructured leadership framework. The plan outlines the creation of a Standing Group composed of troop-contributing countries, along with the United States and Canada, which would oversee the mission. A new commander would be appointed under this mechanism, and a U.N. field office would be established in Port-au-Prince to support operations. The Organization of American States (OAS) is expected to provide logistical and material assistance such as food supplies, communications, and defense equipment.

Despite the ambitions of the proposal, Haitian analysts and international security experts voiced concern over the absence of guaranteed funding and the duplication of existing structures. Ricardo Germain, an independent analyst, highlighted risks stemming from unclear leadership succession, particularly given Kenya’s difficulties in sustaining its current role at the helm of the MSSM. James Boyard of the State University of Haiti warned that Haiti’s exclusion from the Standing Group could undermine national sovereignty. He argued that without clear accountability mechanisms, abuses by foreign security personnel might go unchecked. Critics also noted that past international missions in Haiti were marred by scandals, including civilian casualties, sexual exploitation, and a cholera epidemic traced back to U.N. forces.

The current mission, approved in 2023, has deployed fewer than 1,000 personnel primarily Kenyan police far short of its original 2,500 target. The new resolution would authorize up to 5,500 troops, though no commitments have yet been secured to reach this number. The MSSM’s mandate is scheduled to expire on October 2, raising urgency for a transition plan.

In parallel with international efforts, Haiti’s government has engaged a private military company linked to Erik Prince to conduct drone strikes against gang strongholds. These operations are expected to expand. Meanwhile, prominent gang leader Jimmy “Barbecue” Cherizier recently announced a withdrawal of his forces from several districts in northeastern Port-au-Prince. He called on displaced residents to return, though analysts suggest this move is designed to repopulate areas his organization previously devastated, enabling renewed extortion schemes and complicating potential drone operations by positioning civilians as human shields. Families have begun returning to neighborhoods scarred by months of fighting. Many have found only rubble, burned-out vehicles, and destroyed homes.

An Assessment of the Proposed “Gang Suppression Force”

Halo Solutions Firm S.A. examines the United States–Panama proposal to replace the Kenyan-led Multinational Security Support Mission (MSSM) with a more robust “Gang Suppression Force.” While the initiative demonstrates recognition of the escalating crisis and the shortcomings of prior missions, its effectiveness will ultimately depend on institutional design, financing, and coordination with Haitian national structures. Halo Solutions Firm S.A. argues that unless the mission is strategically integrated with the Haitian National Police (PNH) and embedded within a framework of sustainable governance, it risks reproducing the cycle of dependency that has long undermined Haiti’s security landscape.

Haiti’s current security environment represents one of the most acute crises in the Western Hemisphere. Armed coalitions dominate significant urban territories, displace over one million civilians, and exert coercive influence over economic and political life. In response, the U.S. and Panama have circulated a draft resolution at the United Nations Security Council seeking to transform the existing MSSM into a new mission—the so-called Gang Suppression Force.

This proposed force reflects a strategic recalibration: expanding troop numbers to 5,500 uniformed personnel, supplementing with civilian staff, and institutionalizing logistical support through a newly mandated U.N. Support Office in Port-au-Prince. Importantly, the mission would enjoy expanded operational autonomy vis-à-vis the Haitian National Police (PNH), permitting intelligence-driven, independent action.

Critical Analysis

1. Structural and Financial Architecture

The MSSM has been constrained by reliance on voluntary funding, producing chronic under-resourcing. The U.S.–Panama proposal recognizes this weakness by advocating for predictable financing and enhanced logistical platforms. However, without a shift toward assessed contributions, sustainability remains uncertain.

2. Coordination with the Haitian National Police

Operational independence may yield tactical efficiency, yet exclusion of the PNH risks undermining state sovereignty and perpetuating institutional weakness. As Halo Solutions Firm S.A. stresses, no durable security solution can bypass the reconstruction and professionalization of the PNH. Coordination mechanisms must therefore be codified not only at the operational level but also institutionally, ensuring joint planning, information-sharing, and gradual transfer of responsibility.

3. Regional and Multilateral Engagement

By creating a permanent partner group including Canada, Jamaica, the Bahamas, Guatemala, El Salvador, Kenya, and the U.S., the resolution gestures toward shared responsibility. Support for the OAS Secure Haiti initiative further widens multilateral buy-in. Yet, the omission of the Haitian Armed Forces (FADH) and the PNH’s drone-enabled task force reveals persistent gaps between recognizing emergent domestic capacities and integrating them into formal structures.

4. Political and Governance Dimensions

Secretary-General António Guterres noted progress in coordination between Haiti’s transitional authorities and the MSSM, underscoring fragile political alignments. The durability of the new mission depends on reinforcing these alignments while ensuring that international intervention does not overshadow Haitian-led political processes.

Potential Positive Outcomes

If properly structured and resourced, the “Gang Suppression Force” could yield transformative benefits:

1. Territorial Stabilization: Restoration of state authority in strategic corridors and urban centers, enabling humanitarian access and weakening gang dominance.

   
   

2. Institutional Strengthening: Integration of Haitian officers into operational frameworks could convert the mission into a capacity-building instrument, reducing dependency.

   
   

3. Legitimacy and Trust: Transparent operations and civilian protection could rebuild public confidence in both the PNH and international partners.

   
   

4. Strategic Disruption of Armed Groups: Intelligence-driven operations could weaken gang capacity, reducing their role as parallel political actors.

   
   

5. Enabling Environment for Governance: Security improvements could create the preconditions for electoral processes, economic recovery, and broader state-building.

Risks and Limitations

• Over-Reliance on International Forces: Absence of a coherent exit strategy risks entrenching external dependency.

• Fragmented Coordination: Weak integration with the PNH could undermine legitimacy and operational sustainability.

• Funding Uncertainty: Continued reliance on voluntary contributions would perpetuate resource volatility.

• Political Sensitivities: Autonomy of the mission could be perceived domestically as erosion of sovereignty, fueling resistance.

  
  

Recommendations

1. Institutional Integration: Establish binding coordination mechanisms with the PNH to ensure shared command structures and progressive transfer of responsibility.

2. Sustainable Financing: Transition from voluntary to assessed contributions to guarantee predictable resource flows.

3. Capacity Building: Embed PNH officers within planning and operations to strengthen local ownership and institutional resilience.

4. Political Alignment: Reinforce cooperation between the transitional government, the PNH, and international partners to avoid fragmentation.

5. Exit Strategy: Define benchmarks for the gradual drawdown of international presence, aligned with measurable gains in Haitian capacity.

The U.S. Panama proposal represents a pivotal moment in the trajectory of Haiti’s security crisis. While the concept of a Gang Suppression Force offers greater operational reach and resources, its long-term success will depend on whether it transitions from reactive force projection to a framework of institutional empowerment. For Haiti, sustainable security cannot emerge from external deployment alone; it requires the reconstruction of national institutions, the re-legitimization of governance, and the cultivation of trust between state and society.

As Halo Solutions Firm S.A. concludes, the ultimate test of this mission will not be measured solely by the immediate suppression of gangs, but by whether it leaves behind a Haitian National Police capable of defending its population, upholding sovereignty, and ensuring stability without perpetual external oversight.

Irish Aid Worker Gena Heraty Freed After Kidnapping

Irish humanitarian worker Gena Heraty, originally from Westport, County Mayo, has been released along with six colleagues and a child who were abducted from the Sainte-Hélène orphanage in Kenscoff, Haiti, on August 3. Heraty, in her mid-50s, has spent decades in Haiti directing the orphanage, which is run by Nos Petits Frères et Soeurs (“Our Little Brothers and Sisters”).

Her family confirmed her safe return, expressing “relief beyond words” and thanking Tánaiste Simon Harris, Irish diplomats, Haitian authorities, and international partners for their support. They stressed that the immediate priority is Heraty’s health, safety, and privacy, as well as that of the children in her care, and appealed for the media to respect this. The charity NPH also confirmed the release, describing the ordeal as extremely traumatic but noting that all hostages are now reunited with their families.

Continued Reshuffling in the HNP High Command

The Haitian National Police (HNP) has announced new leadership changes affecting several strategic units. According to an official statement released Monday, September 1, adjustments were made within the Directorate of General Intelligence (DRG), the Command, Control and Communications Center (C3i), and the specialized tactical group GIPNH-SWAT.

At the General Directorate in Clercine, Inspector General Carl-Henry Boucher was officially installed to lead both the DRG and C3i. He replaces Inspectors General Prophet Joachim and Isaac Max Harry. During the ceremony, Boucher expressed gratitude to Commander-in-Chief André Jonas Vladimir Paraison for the confidence placed in him and pledged to strengthen operations within these critical branches.

Simultaneously, Divisional Commissioner Richardson Mersan assumed command of the GIPNH-SWAT, in a ceremony presided over by Inspector General Jacques Joël Orival, Central Director of the Administrative Police (DCPA). Chief Commissioner Pierre Willy Renois, who had been serving in an interim capacity, was confirmed as deputy to the newly appointed commander.

Inspector Garry Jean Baptiste Embarks on Advanced Police Training in France

Divisional Inspector Garry Jean Baptiste, General Coordinator of the Haitian National Police Union (SPNH), departed Monday for France to begin advanced training at the prestigious École Nationale Supérieure de Police (ENSP) in Cannes-Écluse, near Paris.

This opportunity comes through a bilateral cooperation program between Haiti and France, following a competitive selection process organized last April by the French Embassy in Port-au-Prince. Jean Baptiste, who emerged as the successful candidate, will undergo training focused on strategic management, public safety, operational leadership, and professional ethics, alongside other international police executives.

A law graduate (Bac+4) with professional certifications and fluency in French, Inspector Jean Baptiste is recognized for his advocacy of police rights and dedication to strengthening the Haitian National Police (HNP). His participation is widely regarded as both a personal milestone and a reflection of the HNP’s growing international engagement. Observers view his selection as a sign of deepening Franco-Haitian security cooperation and a positive step in building institutional capacity.

Pierre Réginald Boulos Challenges U.S. Authorities Over Citizenship Status

Haitian businessman Pierre Réginald Boulos, currently detained at the Krome detention center in Miami, insists he remains a U.S. citizen despite claims to the contrary. A federal judge has ordered the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) to clarify the legal basis for his arrest and ongoing detention.

Boulos, 69, was taken into custody on July 17 at his Palm Beach residence for an alleged immigration violation. The Trump administration has accused him of supporting criminal gangs in Haiti, charges his family rejects as baseless. His legal team describes his detention as unlawful and is seeking his immediate release.

The core dispute centers on Boulos’ nationality. DHS maintains he renounced his American citizenship in February 2008 at the U.S. Embassy in Port-au-Prince. However, his attorneys argue that the process was never properly completed, noting that no official certificate of loss of nationality exists. At an August 27 videoconference hearing, Immigration Judge Jorge Pereira suggested the issue may ultimately fall under federal court jurisdiction and requested written submissions before ruling on possible deportation to Haiti.

Born in New York in 1956, Boulos returned to the United States in 2021. Federal Judge Beth Bloom has instructed DHS to respond on the legality of his detention, while a new immigration hearing is scheduled for September 22, 2025.

Deadly Armored Vehicle Accident in Pèlerin 9 Raises Concerns Over International Mission’s Safety Conditions

A tragic accident involving two armored vehicles of the Multinational Security Support Mission (MSSM) left at least four people dead, including two Kenyan police officers, and several others seriously injured in the Pèlerin 9 area on Sunday afternoon.

According to official statements, one MaxxPro vehicle collided with a wall while attempting to tow another that had broken down, causing the second to overturn. The convoy had been returning from Kenscoff, a mountainous area where security forces often confront armed gangs, when the accident occurred. Initial reports suggest brake failure or poor road conditions may have played a role.

The injured were evacuated to medical facilities in Port-au-Prince, with several treated and stabilized by Hero Client Rescue S.A. TAC MED teams before being transferred. Three critically injured officers were later prioritized for possible medical evacuation to the Dominican Republic. The MSS confirmed the incident in a public statement, thanking local residents who assisted in the immediate rescue effort.

Images and videos of the crash quickly circulated online, showing Kenyan officers being transported from the scene and at least two civilian casualties. The identities of the victims have not yet been fully disclosed.

The accident drew swift reactions. The U.S. Embassy in Port-au-Prince expressed condolences to the families of the deceased and wished a speedy recovery to the injured. The French Embassy extended its sympathies, reaffirming France’s support for the MSS mission alongside Haitian security forces. Haitian authorities also responded: the Presidency and the Primature issued statements honoring the victims, expressing solidarity with the wounded, and praising the commitment of international contingents risking their lives daily to support the Haitian National Police (HNP).

This tragedy comes amid heightened scrutiny of the Kenyan-led mission’s deployment in Haiti and underscores persistent concerns about the logistical and safety conditions facing international personnel tasked with supporting Haitian security operations.

Dominican Authorities Hand Over Suspected 400 Mawozo Members and Stolen Vehicles to Haitian Police

Dominican authorities transferred two alleged members of the notorious Haitian gang 400 Mawozo along with two stolen vehicles to the Haitian National Police (PNH) in the Nord-Est Department on Saturday, August 30.

Around midday, suspects Adolfo Marcelino, known as “Chopo,” and Jean Stanley Compère, known as “Fat,” were handed over to Police Commissioner Léonard Anténor, head of the Border Police (Polifront). The two men are accused of belonging to 400 Mawozo, a group infamous for kidnappings, violent attacks, and organized crime across the Cul-de-Sac plain. They were immediately transferred to the Departmental Judicial Police Service (SDPJ) of Nord-Est for further legal proceedings.

Earlier that morning, Dominican officials also returned two vehicles seized on their territory, including an Audi Q5 and a BMW X5. Both vehicles had been reported stolen after their owner, André Joël Petit Homme, entrusted them to acquaintances in the Dominican Republic who failed to deliver and cut off contact. Following a complaint filed with the Central Directorate of the Judicial Police (DCPJ) in Haiti, the vehicles were recovered and returned.

The cars, along with their documents, are now secured at the Polifront base in Ouanaminthe pending judicial follow-up.

Haiti’s Crisis of Neglect: An Analytical Commentary on the UN Secretary-General’s Appeal

Prepared by Halo Solutions Firm S.A., Port-au-Prince, Haiti

On August 28, 2025, United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres described Haiti as “shamefully neglected” by the international community and warned of catastrophic humanitarian and security consequences if urgent action is not taken. This commentary examines the multidimensional nature of Haiti’s crisis, the Secretary-General’s framing of international responsibility, and the structural gaps that have undermined the global response. It further identifies policy implications and provides recommendations for recalibrating international engagement toward sustainable stabilization and institutional recovery.

Haiti is experiencing one of the most acute humanitarian and governance crises in the Western Hemisphere. Criminal organizations now control approximately 90 percent of Port-au-Prince and exert influence over adjacent regions. This dominance has paralyzed economic and social activity, displaced more than 1.3 million people, and left six million in immediate need of humanitarian aid. The displacement crisis is particularly severe, with children constituting half of those forced from their homes. The country has not held elections since 2016 and has been governed since March 2024 by a Transitional Presidential Council following the forced resignation of Prime Minister Ariel Henry. The lack of legitimate political institutions compounds the security vacuum and contributes to the erosion of public trust in both domestic and international actors.

The Secretary-General’s remarks highlight that the Haitian state has lost effective control over most of its capital city and beyond. Core state functions such as law enforcement, justice, and service delivery have been overtaken by non-state armed actors. The absence of functioning governance structures has allowed the entrenchment of criminal economies ranging from extortion and kidnapping to arms and drug trafficking. Humanitarian indicators are equally dire. Haiti is one of the five most critical global hotspots of acute food insecurity, with more than one-third of the population unable to secure adequate nutrition. Health systems have collapsed under repeated gang attacks on hospitals, while schools have been targeted and shuttered, depriving children of both education and safety. This degradation of human security has transformed Haiti into one of the least protected civilian environments in the hemisphere.

Despite the severity of the crisis, the international response has been inadequate. The UN’s humanitarian appeal for 2025 sought 908 million dollars to support 3.9 million people. Less than ten percent of that sum has been received, making Haiti’s appeal the least-funded in the world. This shortfall reflects systemic donor fatigue and competing global priorities, leaving Haiti marginalized in international attention. The failure to contain gang expansion is inseparable from the broader governance crisis. Gangs operate as parallel power structures, combining coercion with social influence and exploiting the absence of accountable governance. Without the restoration of legitimate political institutions, international interventions, whether humanitarian or security-oriented, will remain temporary measures rather than transformative solutions.

The implications of inaction are grave. Humanitarian suffering will escalate without significant funding and coordinated humanitarian access, leading to worsening displacement, malnutrition, and preventable deaths. Regional security will also be jeopardized as ungoverned spaces in Haiti provide fertile ground for transnational crime, arms trafficking, and irregular migration that will directly affect the Caribbean and North American region. The credibility of international institutions will erode further if the global system remains unable to adequately resource Haiti’s humanitarian response. At the same time, gangs will continue consolidating authority and embedding themselves further into the political and economic structures of the country.

To address these risks, the international community must transition from voluntary contributions to predictable and assessed funding mechanisms for humanitarian and security interventions, prioritizing multi-year frameworks that allow continuity of programming and planning. Security operations should be integrated with humanitarian strategies, ensuring that protected corridors and displacement responses are coordinated with stabilization efforts. International partners must invest in the Haitian National Police as the cornerstone of domestic security while embedding oversight and accountability mechanisms into assistance programs. Transitional governance structures should be reinforced to create conditions for credible elections and the restoration of legitimate state authority. Furthermore, a clear accountability framework must be established within the United Nations to ensure that Haiti’s humanitarian appeal is prioritized and consistently elevated within multilateral agendas.

The Secretary-General’s intervention before the Security Council is a reminder that Haiti’s crisis is not simply a domestic failure but a collective international responsibility. The combination of state collapse, widespread humanitarian suffering, and entrenched criminal governance represents a systemic threat to regional stability and global credibility.

Halo Solutions Firm S.A. concludes that meaningful change requires a recalibration of international engagement away from fragmented, underfunded, and short-term interventions toward a coordinated strategy that simultaneously addresses humanitarian relief, security stabilization, and institutional reconstruction. Only by bridging these dimensions can Haiti move from a state of perpetual crisis to a trajectory of recovery and sovereignty.

Ramdin’s Roadmap and UN Proposals for Security Transformation

In Washington on August 27, 2025, OAS Secretary General Albert Ramdin presented a roadmap for stability and peace in Haiti, developed jointly by the OAS, the UN, and CARICOM. The framework seeks direct Haitian participation in its coordination group, with Prime Minister Alix Didier Fils-Aimé invited to designate national representatives. Ramdin acknowledged skepticism given the failures of past structures such as the CIRH after the 2010 earthquake but emphasized that this new effort distributes leadership among multiple organizations and involves Haitian authorities from the outset. He underscored that meetings with the Transitional Presidential Council, Finance Minister Alfred Métellus, and other Haitian leaders have shaped successive drafts, leading to a plan estimated at 2.6 billion dollars, more than half of which is allocated to security stabilization with the remainder dedicated to humanitarian relief, governance, and elections.

Ramdin stressed that security cannot be reduced to the fight against gangs alone, noting that it has multiple dimensions. He called for cutting criminal revenues by targeting the flow of money and weapons, securing ports and maritime zones, and establishing protected police checkpoints and advanced bases in communities. According to him, the Haitian National Police must remain the central security actor, which requires doubling its personnel and equipping it more effectively. He argued that while gang suppression is essential, it must be integrated into a broader strategy addressing governance and economic drivers.

The question of resources remains central. Less than 100 million dollars of the UN’s 908-million-dollar humanitarian appeal has been secured, reflecting donor fatigue and doubts about the results of past assistance. Ramdin warned that without renewed investment and coordination, gangs could exploit political uncertainty after February 7, when the mandate of the Transitional Presidential Council ends. He framed the issue as one of international credibility, noting that repeated underfunding and broken promises have undermined both Haiti and the institutions meant to support it.

Together, Ramdin’s roadmap and the U.S.-Panama proposal highlight both the urgency and complexity of Haiti’s crisis. On one side is a call for a holistic security and governance strategy anchored in Haitian participation; on the other is a push for a more aggressive international force to confront gangs directly. Both face the same obstacle: financing. Without sustained resources and political will, Haiti risks continuing in a cycle of plans, promises, and disappointments. Whether this new convergence of regional and international initiatives will break that cycle remains uncertain, but Ramdin insists that looking forward, not backward, is the only way to move the country toward stability and sovereignty.

Seizure of Weapons in Miragoâne

Haitian authorities intercepted a large shipment of military-grade equipment in Miragoâne, Nippes, in one of the most significant security operations in the region in recent weeks. The operation, directed by Government Commissioner Jean Ernest Muscadin, took place at Carrefour Desruisseaux and disrupted an arms trafficking route connecting Port-au-Prince to Les Cayes.

According to early findings, the truck involved transported ammunition, firearm components, and several bulletproof vests concealed among ordinary goods to avoid detection at checkpoints. The driver was arrested at the scene and placed in custody, while investigators continue to trace the ownership and intended destination of the cargo.

The Miragoâne prosecutor’s office has opened a formal investigation aimed at dismantling the networks behind the illicit shipment, which is believed to be linked to efforts by armed groups to reinforce their presence in southern Haiti. Commissioner Muscadin, known for his uncompromising stance against organized crime, declared that the seizure represented a major setback for criminal networks: “This operation is a serious blow to those seeking to rearm gangs in the South. We remain fully mobilized.”

Strategic Instrumentalization of Civilian Populations in Haiti’s Security Crisis

The Haitian National Police (PNH) has issued a series of urgent communications warning displaced residents against premature return to neighborhoods previously controlled by armed groups. These appeals follow recent statements from Jimmy Chérizier, alias “Barbecue,” the leader of the Viv Ansanm criminal coalition, who publicly called on civilians to reoccupy their homes in Port-au-Prince districts such as Solino, Delmas 24 and 30, Nazon, and Christ-Roi. According to the PNH, Chérizier’s call is not an indication of improved security conditions, but a deliberate tactic aimed at embedding gangs within the civilian population in order to complicate forthcoming law enforcement operations and to obstruct the re-establishment of state authority.

The police emphasized that the violent actors responsible for mass displacement, through killings, sexual violence, arson, and looting, now seek to exploit the vulnerability of displaced persons by transforming them into human shields. This maneuver reflects the evolution of armed group strategy in Haiti, where territorial withdrawal is not necessarily a sign of weakened capacity, but part of an adaptive repertoire designed to protect leadership figures and armed cadres from targeted operations. The PNH has stressed that the return of populations must be conducted only under conditions established by the state and coordinated jointly with government authorities to ensure that civilians are not re-exposed to lethal violence.

The warnings further underscore the international dimension of Haiti’s current crisis. Several leaders of the Viv Ansanm alliance remain the subject of outstanding U.S. warrants for violent crimes, highlighting the extent to which criminal networks operate across both domestic and transnational jurisdictions. Nevertheless, Chérizier continues to employ public messaging, including video communications and organized demonstrations, to project authority and legitimacy in the eyes of local populations. These acts are part of a wider contest between state and non-state actors for control over both physical territory and symbolic narratives of sovereignty and protection.

From an analytical perspective, the PNH’s intervention reflects a broader recognition that security in Haiti cannot be reduced to territorial contestation alone. The strategic instrumentalization of civilians by armed groups highlights the multidimensional nature of insecurity, which encompasses not only physical violence but also psychological manipulation, social coercion, and political signaling. The academic literature on asymmetric conflict underscores that non-state actors frequently rely on populations as protective buffers when confronted with superior force. The Haitian case illustrates this pattern acutely, with displaced communities situated at the nexus of humanitarian vulnerability and political contestation.

The PNH’s reaffirmation of its commitment to restore order and enable eventual safe return represents both a security imperative and a test of institutional credibility. Whether the state can prevent civilians from being reabsorbed into spaces dominated by armed groups will serve as a critical indicator of Haiti’s trajectory between continued fragmentation and the gradual reconstitution of legitimate authority. The current dynamic suggests that without careful sequencing of security operations and civilian reintegration, the population risks remaining both the object and the instrument of competing forms of power.

Reinforcements Still Absent as Gangs Tighten Grip on Artibonite

In Gonaïves, residents continue to face escalating insecurity as promised reinforcements for the Artibonite police have yet to arrive. Eight days after the appointment of Jacques Ader as departmental police commissioner, the heavy equipment and material support requested to confront the “Savyen” and “Kokorat San Ras” gangs have not been delivered. These groups maintain control over key areas stretching from Mahou to Masèy and Gros-Morne, close to the border of the North-West.

Local frustration is rising. Communities in Gonaïves, who previously protested to demand a stronger security response, are preparing to return to the streets to press for immediate action. Their calls focus not on the removal of Commissioner Ader but on the urgent deployment of resources necessary to weaken the armed groups entrenched in the region.

Meanwhile, violence continues unchecked. On Monday morning, gangs associated with “Savyen” looted and set fire to homes, worsening the plight of already vulnerable residents. The appointment of a new commissioner was expected to mark a shift in security policy, but the lack of tangible reinforcements has left the population exposed and fearful.

UNICEF Sounds Alarm on Worsening Violence Against Children in Haiti

During an open debate of the UN Security Council on Thursday, UNICEF Executive Director Catherine Russell delivered a stark assessment of the worsening humanitarian crisis in Haiti, with children bearing the heaviest burden of armed violence and lawlessness.

Russell reported that grave violations against children have surged dramatically in recent years. In 2024, the United Nations documented more than 2,000 cases, representing a nearly 500 percent increase compared to the previous year. That trend continued in 2025, with violations rising by 25 percent in the first quarter alone. Most alarming, she said, is a nearly 700 percent increase in the recruitment and use of children by armed groups, and a 54 percent increase in killings and maiming’s. These figures are believed to underestimate the true scale of abuse.

Children are being forced into armed clashes or exploited as couriers, lookouts, and weapons carriers. Many are subjected to sexual violence, which Russell described as reaching “unprecedented levels.” In 2024, cases of sexual violence against children rose by 1,000 percent compared to the previous year, with more than a quarter of substantiated cases identified as gang rapes. “This is a widespread campaign aimed at terrorizing communities,” she told the Council, stressing that girls represent the majority of victims.

Despite the escalating insecurity, UNICEF and its partners remain active in Haiti, providing critical humanitarian aid while also negotiating with armed groups to reduce violations. Last month, UNICEF and the Haitian government launched a three-year program designed to prevent child recruitment and support rehabilitation and reintegration for affected youth.

Russell concluded by appealing to the international community for urgent support. The Humanitarian Action Plan for Haiti, which seeks to address the needs of nearly four million people, is currently only 10 percent funded. “Without immediate donor contributions, lifesaving assistance and protection services for children are at risk,” she warned.

U.S. Coast Guard Returns 191 Migrants to Haiti Following Interdiction Near Cap-Haïtien

The crew of Coast Guard Cutter Spencer repatriated 191 migrants to Haiti on Tuesday September 2nd,  after intercepting a disabled, overloaded vessel roughly 40 miles north of Cap-Haïtien.

The vessel was first reported Friday, when Spencer’s crew alerted Coast Guard Southeast District watch standers. All individuals were safely taken aboard the cutter, where they received food, water, shelter, and medical care before being returned to Haiti.

“The Coast Guard remains committed to safeguarding America’s maritime borders and preventing unlawful entry into the United States and its territories,” said Lt. Cmdr. Cory Arsenault, Coast Guard liaison officer to the U.S. Embassy in Port-au-Prince. “Anyone attempting illegal entry by sea will be interdicted and repatriated in accordance with U.S. law and policy.”

The repatriation was carried out as part of Operation Vigilant Sentry, a multi-agency effort employing air, land, and sea assets to deter irregular migration and ensure safety of life at sea across the Florida Straits, Windward Passage, Mona Passage, and the Caribbean Sea.

Since the start of fiscal year 2025 on October 1, Coast Guard crews have returned 603 migrants to Haiti, compared with 857 in fiscal year 2024.