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Weekly Report July 15 to July 22

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Jul 22, 2025

Notorious Gang Leaders Appear Publicly in Saut d’Eau During Religious Festival, Highlighting State’s Weak Grip on Security

In a bold and provocative display of power, three of Haiti’s most wanted gang leaders, Joseph “Lanmòsanjou” Wilson of 400 Mawozo, Jeff “Gwo Lwa” Larose of the Canaan gang, and Jimmy “Barbecue” Chérizier of the Viv Ansanm coalition, were seen on July 18th standing together inside the historic Notre Dame du Mont Carmel church in Saut d’Eau during the annual mid-July pilgrimage.



The religious gathering, which holds deep significance for both Catholic and Vodou practitioners, was overshadowed this year by the presence of these heavily armed figures. Their open appearance in a sacred public space, far from their known strongholds in Croix-des-Bouquets, Canaan, and Delmas, illustrates the increasing reach of armed criminal networks and the state’s inability to assert territorial control.


Joseph Wilson, also known as “Lanmòsanjou,” is currently wanted for multiple charges including murder, kidnapping, extortion, and terrorism. He is considered one of the region’s most dangerous fugitives. A recent viral video showed him distributing cash to residents of Thomazeau, a gesture widely interpreted as gang propaganda aimed at manipulating public opinion. The FBI has placed a reward of up to $1 million for information leading to his arrest. Tips can be sent via call, SMS, or WhatsApp to +1 305 495 0956.



Their appearance comes just months after the Canaan gang, led by Larose, launched a large-scale assault on the town of Saut d’Eau. On March 31, the group was initially repelled by local police and civilian defense brigades. However, in early April, the gang returned with over 500 armed men, forcing both residents and security forces to flee. The United Nations Human Rights Office has condemned the Haitian government’s failure to respond effectively, calling the state’s reaction weak and inadequate.


In protest of ongoing violence and government inaction, residents in May and June seized control of a key hydroelectric plant that supplies power to both the capital and the central region. This act of civil disobedience resulted in widespread blackouts and further illustrated the population’s growing frustration with law enforcement’s inability to contain armed groups.


The timing and location of the gang leaders' appearance is particularly symbolic. Saut d’Eau is both a Catholic pilgrimage site and a sacred place in Haitian Vodou, where followers perform ritual baths and seek spiritual protection. All three gang leaders are believed to practice Vodou, and their participation in the pilgrimage likely served both spiritual and psychological purposes, aimed at renewing protective rituals and asserting dominance over communities and cultural spaces.



Video shows that members of Jimmy “Barbecue” Chérizier’s protective detail were seen in freshly issued uniforms, suggesting a level of organization and resources that rivals official security forces. His presence in Saut d’Eau, well outside his usual base in Delmas 6, underscores the operational mobility of Haiti’s most powerful gangs.


The public convergence of these leaders at a nationally revered site has reignited fears about the deepening power vacuum in Haiti. It serves as a stark reminder of the growing influence of gang federations like Viv Ansanm, which have eclipsed state authority in several regions and continue to operate with impunity across much of the country.


Spain Deepens Involvement in Multinational Security Mission in Haiti Amid Ongoing Doubts

During an official visit to the MSSM base in Haiti, Spanish Ambassador Marco Peñín reaffirmed Spain’s commitment to supporting stability and security in the country. Ambassador Peñín met with mission commander G. Otunge to discuss ongoing developments and the persistent challenges facing the mission.


As part of this visit, Ambassador Peñín donated a collection of Spanish-language books and educational materials to the military base library. This gesture is intended to support the intellectual and cultural development of troops participating in the MSSM effort.

Spain’s involvement extends beyond symbolic support. Two specialized agents, one from the Guardia Civil and another from the Policía Nacional Española, have been assigned to the headquarters of the Multilateral Security Support Mission (MSSM) in Washington. Additionally, Spain is providing logistical and educational assistance to the Salvadoran and Guatemalan contingents currently deployed in Haiti.



This multifaceted engagement encompassing diplomatic, operational, and educational elements reflects Madrid’s intent to play a meaningful role in the stabilization of the Caribbean region. However, despite growing international participation, the situation on the ground remains fragile.


In several areas of Haiti, armed violence, kidnappings, and widespread displacement continue to impact civilians. Although international forces are working alongside Haitian authorities, many observers remain skeptical about the mission’s effectiveness. The slow progress has prompted questions regarding the broader strategy for restoring order and rebuilding public trust.


Spain maintains its commitment to both bilateral and multilateral cooperation, while urging improved coordination among international partners to ensure a more effective response to Haiti’s deepening crisis.


Haitian Soldiers Begin Intensive Training in Martinique under Franco-Haitian SABRE Partnership


On July 21st, twenty-nine members of the Armed Forces of Haiti (FAD'H) departed for Martinique to undergo a two-week intensive training program with the 33rd Marine Infantry Regiment (RIMa) of the French Armed Forces in the West Indies. The training is part of the SABRE military cooperation initiative established between Haiti and France to enhance Haiti’s defense and security capabilities.


This marks the third training rotation conducted in less than a year under the SABRE framework, reflecting a deepening strategic partnership aimed at strengthening the operational readiness of the FAD'H. The curriculum emphasizes internal security operations, crisis management, response to asymmetric threats, and intervention in hostile environments.


According to a statement from the French Embassy in Port-au-Prince, "France remains firmly committed to supporting Haiti in its fight against insecurity." This commitment is demonstrated through sustained technical assistance, high-level training programs, and the exchange of operational experience between the two nations' armed forces.


The SABRE training program focuses on developing essential operational skills such as tactical discipline, intermediate-level command, combat first aid, urban perimeter security, and the management of checkpoints and search operations.

The initiative comes amid a worsening national security crisis. Armed groups continue to dominate large sections of the Port-au-Prince metropolitan area, severely restricting the movement of people and goods, obstructing access to key infrastructure such as ports, and displacing thousands of families. Reports from the United Nations and several international NGOs have documented the escalating violence, including increased abductions, territorial conflicts between rival gangs, and attacks targeting critical public infrastructure. Port-au-Prince is widely characterized as paralyzed and increasingly isolated, while regional analysts warn of potential destabilizing effects for the broader Caribbean.


In response, the Haitian government has prioritized the revitalization of the FAD'H as a central component of its national security strategy. The national defense budget has been substantially increased from USD 9.6 million in 2023 to over USD 53 million for the 2024–2025 fiscal year, signaling a clear political will to rebuild institutional capacity.


Beyond the current deployment in Martinique, additional training modules are scheduled to take place both in mainland France and in Haiti. These sessions will be tailored to Haiti’s operational environment and aim to instill a professional military culture rooted in discipline, efficiency, and adherence to international norms.


The long-term success of this initiative will depend on the Haitian government’s capacity to mobilize the necessary institutional, logistical, and human resources to effectively deploy trained personnel. As insecurity continues to grip the nation, the Haitian population remains eager to witness concrete improvements on the ground resulting from these international efforts.


Reginald Boulos Arrested in Florida Amid Allegations of Gang Collaboration, Corruption, and Ties to Presidential Assassination


Multiple media outlets report that on July 17, Haitian businessman and former presidential candidate Dr. Reginald Boulos was arrested by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement at his residence in Palm Beach, Florida. A lawful permanent resident of the United States and citizen of Haiti, Boulos faces serious allegations including collaboration with Haitian gang leaders affiliated with the Viv Ansanm foreign terrorist organization, contributing to the destabilization of Haiti, and potential involvement in the July 2021 assassination of President Jovenel Moïse.


The arrest, which was carried out in coordination with the U.S. Department of State’s Diplomatic Security Service and the Fraud Detection and National Security Directorate of the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, stems from a broader federal investigation into individuals using U.S. residency to facilitate violent operations abroad. ICE cited violations of the Immigration and Nationality Act, specifically Section 237(a)(4)(C), which allows for deportation based on activities that support terrorist organizations.


According to an official statement, the U.S. Department of State determined that Boulos’ presence in the country poses serious adverse foreign policy consequences, citing his support of violent armed groups and his failure to disclose key information on his residency application including his role in founding the political party Mouvement pour la Transformation et la Valorisation d'Haïti and his referral for prosecution by Haiti’s Anti-Corruption Unit for misusing public loans.


Though formally charged with immigration fraud, sources familiar with the case state that federal investigators, including the FBI, are examining Boulos’ alleged role in financing criminal networks, money laundering, bribery, and organized crime. He is also suspected of maintaining direct ties to figures involved in Moïse’s assassination, an investigation that remains largely stalled three years later.


Boulos, born in New York City on March 3, 1956, renounced his U.S. citizenship several years ago to pursue political office in Haiti. Despite holding Temporary Protected Status in the U.S., the severity of the charges now complicates his legal standing. He is currently being held at the Krome Service Processing Center in Miami, where his request for bail has been denied. According to reports, he is housed under difficult conditions and has reportedly requested solitary confinement out of fear for his safety. During detention, he allegedly stated, "M te pale, m te bay anpil enfòmasyon. Pral gen kouri, pral gen anpil moun kap vinn jwenn mwen nan prizon an" ("I have spoken, I have given a lot of information. There will be leaks, many people will join me in prison").


His hearing is scheduled for July 31, 2025, before Immigration Judge Jorge L. Pereira. A deportation deadline has reportedly been set for December 2, though sources close to the case suggest deportation is unlikely in the short term due to the gravity of the allegations and national security considerations.


This move by U.S. authorities is part of a broader effort to crack down on green card holders believed to be collaborating with violent groups abroad. In May 2025, the U.S. State Department officially designated Viv Ansanm and Gran Grif as foreign terrorist organizations, citing their central role in orchestrating violence and societal collapse in Haiti. The Department of Homeland Security has since been instructed to prioritize the removal of individuals affiliated with such groups, reaffirming policies that originated under the Trump administration and continued under Senator Marco Rubio’s influence.


Boulos’ arrest has reignited debates over Haiti’s justice system and the slow progress of the Moïse assassination investigation. The phrase “ti pa, ti pa” (“little by little”), used recently by the late president’s son, has been interpreted as a call for perseverance and justice, even in the face of political obstruction and delayed accountability.


In 2022, Boulos formally resigned from politics and business, citing deteriorating health and political persecution. In a letter addressed to members of his party, MTVAYITI, he announced his withdrawal from public life and the appointment of a five-member transitional committee to manage the party’s affairs. Despite this retreat, Boulos’ influence within Haiti’s elite circles remained substantial. He is widely known as the founder of major business ventures including Delimart, Auto-Méca, and the renovated Hotel El Rancho, and previously served as chairman of Intercontinental Bank S.A.


A separate unconfirmed report also indicates the arrest of Haitian businessman Allan Zuraik, CEO of Safari Motors S.A., in Florida. Though not yet officially verified, the rumor has further fueled speculation about a coordinated crackdown on high-level Haitian elites with alleged ties to gang activity.


As Boulos remains in detention awaiting legal proceedings, questions linger over the broader implications of his arrest. Many see it as a long-overdue step toward justice in a country struggling with endemic corruption, impunity, and political violence. Others view it as a litmus test for the United States’ commitment to accountability in Haiti’s long-troubled political landscape.


Armed Assault in L'Estère Leaves at Least Seven Dead Amid Escalating Insecurity in Artibonite

Violent clashes erupted early Saturday June 19th in the commune of L'Estère, Artibonite Department, following a coordinated attack by heavily armed men identified as members of the "Kokorat San Ras" gang. The assault sparked widespread panic among residents and led to at least seven confirmed fatalities, with local sources warning the death toll may be higher.



Caught by surprise, some armed civilians attempted to resist the incursion. According to preliminary reports, one of the attackers was captured alive and subsequently handed over to the population. Eyewitnesses claim he was brought before a local gang figure known by the alias “Bawon,” though the circumstances surrounding this incident remain unclear. The atmosphere in the commune remains tense, with residents bracing for potential follow-up attacks.


This latest episode of violence underscores the ongoing crisis in the Artibonite region, which has become a flashpoint for gang activity, armed conflict, and civilian massacres. Despite multiple changes in leadership within the regional police command, authorities have struggled to restore order or dismantle entrenched criminal networks such as Kokorat San Ras.


In the aftermath of the attack, local residents have intensified their pleas for government intervention, expressing frustration at the apparent inability or unwillingness of security forces to protect the population. Many accuse state institutions of abandoning communities to face organized violence on their own.


The Kokorat San Ras gang has operated in Artibonite for several years, with impunity and without sustained disruption. As insecurity continues to escalate, residents of L'Estère and surrounding areas live under constant threat, increasingly losing confidence in the state’s capacity to ensure their safety.


IBC Airways Faces Delays in Launching Miami–Les Cayes Route Despite Progress with Haitian Airport Authorities

U.S.-based carrier IBC Airways remains in limbo as conflicting signals emerge over the launch of its anticipated Miami–Les Cayes route. While the airline has accused Haiti’s National Airport Authority (AAN) of stalling approvals and obstructing progress, the AAN has recently announced steps toward initiating operations at Antoine Simon International Airport in Les Cayes through a formal technical and strategic partnership.



IBC Airways had aimed to begin commercial service in July after investing more than $100,000 in equipment, staffing, and infrastructure for the new international connection. However, media outlets report that the launch has been indefinitely delayed due to unresolved regulatory approvals, infrastructure gaps, and what IBC alleges are competitive barriers. The airline claims it submitted six formal authorization requests to AAN without receiving a response. “Haitians! Betrayal, contempt, ignorance,” an IBC representative wrote in frustration via WhatsApp.


The delay has left southern Haiti without a direct international air link at a time when Port-au-Prince’s airport remains closed to commercial traffic due to gang violence. Currently, Sunrise Airways is the only airline operating flights between Haiti and the United States, exclusively out of Cap-Haïtien. IBC’s new route was expected to ease the burden for travelers from the southern peninsula, many of whom face long, insecure overland travel to the north.


A source close to IBC’s operations identified three key obstacles contributing to the delay:

· The Haitian Civil Aviation Office (OFNAC) has not yet issued a Notice to Air Missions (NOTAM) for Antoine Simon Airport, as it awaits readiness information from AAN.

· The airport’s limited check-in facilities are fully occupied by Sunrise Airways. IBC proposed mobile counters but has not received approval.

· The taxiway requires widening to accommodate international traffic, a recommendation acknowledged by AAN but not yet acted upon.


Amid these tensions, AAN has issued a public statement confirming a high-level meeting with IBC Airways on July 21, 2025. The meeting, organized by AAN’s General Directorate and attended by its technical divisions, focused on evaluating operational and technical conditions required to initiate IBC’s activities in compliance with international civil aviation standards.


Both parties agreed to prioritize cargo operations as a first phase, with passenger service to follow once the terminal is upgraded to meet International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) standards. A joint technical assessment mission is scheduled for July 23 to determine the placement of two 40-foot containers for cargo and two 20-foot containers for IBC’s offices. IBC has committed to completing installation by mid-August.


In parallel, AAN will renovate the current terminal to provide space for immigration, customs, anti-narcotics units (BLTS), and essential passenger services including check-in counters and departure lounges. These upgrades are expected to be completed within 60 days, starting July 28.


Despite prior frustrations, IBC is viewed as an experienced operator within Haiti’s aviation market. The airline was the first to offer direct flights between Cap-Haïtien and the U.S., before being forced out in 2014. Its renewed interest in southern Haiti had sparked optimism among Haitian travelers abroad, especially those hoping to reconnect with families in the Grand Sud.


While the situation remains fluid, the recent technical engagement between AAN and IBC suggests that momentum may be building toward the long-delayed launch. For now, however, IBC’s equipment, staff, and infrastructure investments remain on hold, and southern Haiti continues to wait for international air access long denied.


Canada’s Drone Policy in Haiti: Surveillance Support Coupled with Legal Caution Amid Controversy Over Kamikaze Strikes

Canada has played a significant role in enhancing Haiti’s security by supplying surveillance drones and supporting intelligence missions, while explicitly rejecting their use as lethal weapons. This report examines Canada’s drone-related assistance to Haiti, its legal and ethical concerns regarding armed drones, and the emerging controversy over the Haitian government’s deployment of kamikaze drones.



In early 2023, Canada deployed a CP140 Aurora long-range patrol aircraft to conduct surveillance over Haiti as part of an intelligence-sharing initiative aimed at monitoring gang activity and supporting the Haitian National Police. Alongside aerial surveillance, Canada has contributed over $98 million in aid and has implemented targeted sanctions against individuals and groups linked to organized violence in Haiti. These efforts reflect Canada’s broader commitment to restoring public safety and institutional stability in the country.


Canada has provided drones to Haitian authorities strictly for surveillance and intelligence-gathering purposes. Canadian officials have consistently stated that their assistance does not include weaponized drone technology, training, or operational support. The Royal Canadian Mounted Police and other agencies have emphasized that the drones are intended to enhance situational awareness and track gang movements, not for direct engagement. Canada’s approach aligns with its adherence to international humanitarian law and risk-averse foreign assistance policies.


However, since March 2025, the Haitian government has escalated its counter-gang operations with the deployment of so-called "kamikaze" drones—unmanned aerial vehicles equipped with explosives used to strike gang strongholds, particularly in Port-au-Prince. These operations, reportedly coordinated with private American contractors and Haitian task forces, have resulted in hundreds of gang-related casualties. While some hail the drone strikes as a tactical breakthrough, they have also raised serious concerns about legality, oversight, and the risk of civilian harm.


Canada has expressed strong reservations regarding Haiti’s use of weaponized drones, asserting that the strikes violate both Haitian and international legal frameworks. Canadian officials have noted that such use of force is typically reserved for contexts where there is a formal declaration of armed conflict, which has not been declared in Haiti. Legal experts argue that without a clearly defined chain of command, established rules of engagement, and transparent accountability mechanisms, the strikes could breach human rights standards and international norms.


In response to international criticism, including from Canada, Fritz Alphonse Jean, President pro tempore of Haiti’s Presidential Transitional Council, defended the use of kamikaze drones. He explained that, given the Haitian police’s limited capacity, the government had no alternative but to turn to private American firms and drone-based air support. Jean claimed that no collateral damage had been reported and insisted that authorities are committed to ensuring the drones are being used legally. However, independent verification of the impacts in urban guerrilla zones remains limited.


“We needed this air support so that the police and army could penetrate the areas occupied by the gangs,” Jean said. “If that’s not a war, I don’t know what is.” Nevertheless, some legal experts contend that the level of gang organization in Haiti does not meet the threshold required to qualify the situation as an armed conflict under international law.


Diego Da Rin, a Haiti analyst at the International Crisis Group, acknowledged that drones have been a tactical game changer, allowing security forces to strike targets deep within fortified gang areas. “Gang leaders are extremely cautious because of these drone strikes,” he noted. Still, he cautioned that without a corresponding intensification of ground operations, any progress made through drone strikes could be temporary.


The kamikaze drone program, according to Jean, is led by a task force composed of Haitian personnel and foreign private contractors, operating under the direction of the Prime Minister. Specific details about the program’s structure and oversight remain undisclosed.


Human rights organizations such as Human Rights Watch and the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime have warned that the campaign risks harming civilians, obstructing humanitarian access, and undermining long-term stability. Canada has echoed these concerns, reaffirming its position that any military-grade technology deployed in Haiti must be subject to robust oversight and legal safeguards.


Canada remains committed to supporting Haiti’s security through nonlethal, intelligence-based tools such as surveillance drones, reconnaissance aircraft, and technical assistance. It continues to oppose the use of drones for lethal operations unless Haiti meets internationally recognized legal thresholds. Canadian officials have called on Haitian authorities to establish transparent operational protocols, independent oversight, and civilian protection mechanisms.


Canada’s stance on drone use in Haiti reflects a strategic balance between providing essential security support and upholding legal and humanitarian standards. By limiting its involvement to surveillance and denouncing unauthorized drone strikes, Canada reinforces its commitment to ethical foreign engagement. Its conditional support highlights the need for rule of law, accountability, and governance in deploying advanced technologies in fragile security environments. As Haiti’s crisis deepens, Canada’s approach may serve as a model for responsible international security assistance.


Colombia to Train 1,000 Haitian Soldiers and Police Officers in Major Security Partnership


Colombian President Gustavo Petro announced on July 21st,  that the Colombian military will train 1,000 members of the Haitian Armed Forces (FAd’H) and the Haitian National Police (PNH) as part of a comprehensive partnership aimed at strengthening Haiti’s security and promoting national stability.


The announcement was made on social media platform X, following President Petro’s second official visit to Haiti on Friday, July 18. During his visit, Petro reaffirmed Colombia’s historic connection to Haiti and emphasized the importance of solidarity with a nation that played a key role in Colombia’s own independence.


"The Colombian army will provide training for one thousand members of the Haitian military and police forces. We are contributing to the recovery of a nation that was once the cradle of American freedom," President Petro wrote. He also paid tribute to Haiti’s contribution to Colombia’s liberation in the 19th century, citing the support of Haitian generals and citizens in aiding leaders like Simón Bolívar and Francisco de Miranda.


President Petro was welcomed at Toussaint Louverture International Airport by Haiti’s Presidential Transitional Council (CPT) President Fritz Alphonse Jean, Prime Minister Alix Didier Fils-Aimé, and three cabinet ministers. A binational meeting was later held at the Villa d’Accueil, where Petro expressed his unwavering support for a peaceful, reimagined Haiti equipped with a modern and effective security system.


According to a press release issued by the Haitian presidency on July 20, the two countries agreed on an ambitious security cooperation plan. Colombia will assist Haiti in modernizing and strengthening its security forces through a broad package of technical and logistical support. This includes the training of specialized military personnel and the gradual equipping of Haiti’s land, air, and maritime forces.


The joint initiative aims to bolster national sovereignty and create the conditions necessary for social stability, effective law enforcement, and the fight against organized crime and terrorism.


President Petro's visit builds on earlier talks held during his first official trip to Haiti in January 2025. This second visit, within just six months, demonstrates a clear commitment to establishing a long-term, strategic partnership between the two countries. The Haitian presidency described it not as a symbolic gesture but as concrete diplomacy in action, highlighted by the reopening of the Colombian embassy in Port-au-Prince.


The partnership between Colombia and Haiti signals a significant step forward in regional cooperation and capacity-building as Haiti continues its struggle to overcome chronic insecurity and institutional fragility.


Gang Sets Fire to Police Station in Marchand-Dessalines During Early Morning Attack

On July 17, 2025, the police station in Marchand-Dessalines, a historic commune in Haiti’s Artibonite Department, was looted and set on fire during an early morning assault by the Kokorat San Ras gang. The attack forced police personnel to evacuate the premises and left the facility in ruins.



According to local authorities, only three officers, including one inspector, were present at the station at the time of the attack. The armed assailants also destroyed several motorcycles and a police patrol vehicle during the incident.


The gang reportedly encountered little resistance as they entered the town, despite local residents erecting makeshift barricades in an attempt to deter their advance. The police station was left completely non-operational, and no reinforcements had arrived more than 24 hours after the assault, according to residents.


The incident coincided with the final day of Haiti’s national baccalaureate exams, causing disruptions and prompting families to flee the area as gunfire continued throughout the day.


Marchand-Dessalines, once Haiti’s capital under Emperor Jean-Jacques Dessalines, is among several communes in Artibonite now experiencing heightened gang activity. Other towns under similar threat include l’Estère, Gros-Morne, La Chapelle, Liancourt, and Pont-Sondé.



Local officials had previously requested additional police support for the area but said those requests went unanswered. No statements had been issued by the Haitian National Police or the central government by the following morning.


The attack is part of a broader trend of expanding gang operations in provincial regions. The United Nations Integrated Office in Haiti (BINUH) recently reported an increase in violence across Artibonite and the Centre Department, with gangs pushing further along key transit routes.


Despite recent international commitments of support for Haiti’s police and security missions, no immediate deployments have been made in response to the Marchand-Dessalines attack. The police station remains inoperable, and the area continues to face elevated security risks.


NYU Report Reveals Widespread Rights Violations Against Haitians in the Dominican Republic


A new report from the Global Justice Clinic at New York University documents extensive human rights abuses against Haitians and Dominicans of Haitian descent in the Dominican Republic, following the implementation of a mass deportation policy in late 2024.


The 42-page report, titled Racial Profiling and Mass Deportation: Rights Abuses of People of Haitian Descent in the Dominican Republic, outlines systematic violations committed by Dominican authorities under the administration of President Luis Abinader. The policy, enacted in October 2024, set a target of deporting at least 10,000 Haitians each week.


Between October 2024 and March 2025, more than 180,000 individuals were deported to Haiti. If the current pace continues, the number could exceed 360,000 by the end of the year. The report attributes these expulsions to racially discriminatory practices, including arbitrary arrests, midnight raids, and the forced separation of children from their families.


According to the findings, individuals are frequently detained based on skin color or assumptions about Haitian origin, even when carrying valid documentation. In one documented case, a Dominican man was subjected to a language test using the word “perejil,” a discriminatory practice historically associated with the 1937 Parsley Massacre.


The report further highlights a pattern of detaining pregnant and postpartum women, deporting children without legal guardians, and confining individuals in overcrowded facilities lacking basic needs such as food and water.


The mass deportations coincide with a severe humanitarian crisis in Haiti, where over one million people are internally displaced due to ongoing violence and political instability. Human rights organizations warn that returning individuals to such conditions places their lives at significant risk.


Brian Concannon, Executive Director of the Institute for Justice and Democracy in Haiti, described the policy as a politically motivated effort rooted in xenophobia. He compared the Dominican approach to that of other countries using deportations to mobilize political support at the expense of vulnerable populations.


The report also criticizes the Dominican government’s reliance on militarized border controls, racialized policing, and the absence of due process for those detained. The Global Justice Clinic urges the Dominican authorities to immediately suspend the mass deportation program, end racial profiling practices, and reinstate legal pathways for Haitians to regularize their status.


Human rights advocate Johnson Bélance emphasized the shared responsibility between the two countries. He noted that the Dominican Republic must respect the rights of Haitians within its borders, while the Haitian state must improve its efforts to protect and document its citizens.


The report concludes with a call for international accountability, including a recommendation for the United States to reconsider its support for Dominican security forces reportedly involved in the abuses.

 


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