Weekly Report September 16 to September 23

Drone Strike in Haiti Slum Leaves Children Dead, Raises Questions of Oversight

A drone strike carried out in the Haitian capital over the weekend killed at least 13 people, including eight children, and left several others injured, according to human rights organizations and residents. The incident has renewed scrutiny over the government’s use of explosive drones and the involvement of foreign contractors in Haiti’s security operations.

The explosions occurred Saturday evening in the Simon Pelé section of Cité Soleil, a gang-controlled neighborhood west of the airport. Witnesses said two “kamikaze” drones were launched during a gathering where a local gang leader, known by the alias “Djouma,” was reportedly celebrating his birthday. While the strike appeared aimed at gang figures, it struck civilians as well, including children who were playing nearby.

Human rights monitors estimate that at least eight children and three other civilians were killed, alongside four suspected gang members. Thirteen others, including six children, were reported seriously wounded. The National Human Rights Defense Network in Haiti described the attack as a result of “poor coordination and oversight,” warning that similar operations earlier this year have already caused high civilian casualties.

This marks the second major incident this month in which explosive drones have caused significant civilian deaths in Port-au-Prince. Earlier, a strike in another neighborhood killed at least 11 noncombatants. In August, a misdirected drone explosion also killed members of a Haitian police SWAT team. Rights groups argue that the reliance on drones in densely populated urban areas violates international norms on distinction and proportionality in armed conflict.

The government authorized the use of drones earlier this year after striking a deal with Vectus Global, a private security company founded by Erik Prince, the former head of Blackwater. The firm has been contracted to provide operational support to Haitian authorities in the fight against armed gangs. Reports suggest Vectus plans to deploy up to 200 personnel with expertise in intelligence, communications, and aerial operations. The deal has fueled concerns among diplomats and observers, who point to limited transparency and oversight of contractors operating alongside Haitian police units. Critics warn that the deaths of civilians risk inflaming mistrust in state institutions and fueling anti-government sentiment at a critical moment.

As of Tuesday, Haitian authorities had not issued an official statement on the strike, and it remains unclear which entity authorized the drone operation. Analysts note that the lack of public accountability only strengthens gang propaganda narratives that accuse the state of indiscriminate violence. “This incident raises urgent questions about who controls these operations,” said one regional security analyst. “Is it the prime minister’s office, the transitional council, or private contractors? Until that is clarified, civilian casualties will continue to erode the legitimacy of the state.”

Human rights groups and international NGOs have reacted with fury, condemning the strike as a reckless use of force in one of the most densely populated areas of the capital. The National Human Rights Defense Network (RNDDH), Amnesty International, and Human Rights Watch are among those demanding an immediate halt to explosive drone operations until safeguards can be put in place. Several NGOs active in Port-au-Prince released joint statements calling for a transparent investigation and accountability for those responsible. Rights advocates stressed that the repeated pattern of civilian deaths demonstrates a systemic failure rather than isolated mistakes, warning that the international community risks complicity if it remains silent.

Dozens of media outlets worldwide have carried the story, amplifying the images and accounts of children killed in the blast. Coverage has spread across major television networks, wire agencies, and online platforms, placing further pressure on Haitian authorities and their international partners to respond.

Foreign diplomats have likewise expressed unease about the collateral damage caused by drones, cautioning that the continued loss of civilian lives could deepen Haiti’s crisis and undermine international efforts to stabilize the country.

Armed Group Leaders Killed in Montrouis Spark Violent Retaliation

Two notorious leaders of the Délugé armed group, known by the aliases Ti Bab and Black, were killed on the evening of Wednesday, September 17, 2025, in Bois-Neuf, a locality of the Montrouis commune.

According to Saint-Marc district police commissioner Jude Jean Chéry, a police intervention in the Pierre-Payen area helped corner the two men before they could react. However, an official source later suggested that the deaths were not directly the work of police officers but rather the result of a coordinated operation involving volunteer brigadiers from the Popular Coalition of Lower Artibonite. The source, speaking on condition of anonymity, said that an arms delivery had been scheduled for the group that day, but instead of receiving the weapons, the leaders were ambushed and killed.

In retaliation, members of the Délugé gang set fire to the Montrouis police station that same night. Commissioner Jean Chéry confirmed the attack and announced reinforced security measures for the Frécyneau sub-station, the main Saint-Marc police station, and the regional penitentiary. He warned that intelligence indicated the group was preparing to invade central Saint-Marc, stressing that police were on alert and awaiting reinforcements from Port-au-Prince.

Élysée Blaise, head of the Interim Executive Commission in Montrouis, described the situation as “critical.” On Thursday, September 18, local life in Montrouis came to a halt, with public services and businesses paralyzed. He expressed fears that the violence could escalate further and appealed for the rapid restoration of order and peace.

Before the rise of armed groups, Montrouis was renowned as one of Haiti’s most beautiful coastal destinations. The area, nestled along the Arcadins Coast, once attracted thousands of visitors each year to its pristine beaches, turquoise waters, and luxury resorts such as the Moulin Sur Mer. Known for fishing, sailing, and vibrant nightlife, Montrouis was considered a cornerstone of Haiti’s tourism industry and a vital source of local employment. Today, however, the same area is marked by insecurity and gang violence, driving away visitors and leaving residents trapped between fear.

Meanwhile, tension remains high in Saint-Marc. Residents reported growing unease in the neighborhoods of Frécyneau and Mac-Donald at the city’s southern entrance, where rumors of imminent attacks have fueled panic. Despite reinforced security, uncertainty and fear dominate daily life for the local population.

Gang Assault on Bassin-Bleu Leaves Town in Ruins and Schools in Doubt

The northwest commune of Bassin-Bleu has been left reeling after dozens of heavily armed men stormed the town last Thursday, killing at least two people, kidnapping more than ten others, and setting fire to homes, schools, and government buildings.

Authorities and residents said the attack was carried out by the Kokorat San Ras gang, an affiliate of the Viv Ansanm coalition led by Jimmy “Barbecue” Chérizier. The gang, based in Tibwadòm in the Artibonite, descended on the community with rifles and explosives, overwhelming the small police force. The local police station, town hall, hospital, and commercial banks were looted and burned, while families fled into nearby mountains and rivers to escape.

Among the dead was a local teacher who was shot and set on fire in the street, shocking residents who called it a deliberate act of terror. Dozens of others were injured, and many remain missing. Local leaders said the town’s three officers on duty were forced to abandon their posts and run for safety.

Members of the Kokorat San Ras gang watching the body of a local schoolteacher engulfed in flames after they shot him multiple times.

A government delegation from Port-de-Paix visited the town the next day and announced that reinforcements had retaken the police station. But residents remain unconvinced. “We faced a true guerrilla,” said Departmental Delegate Rock Excéus, insisting that order was being restored. Local authorities, however, warned that the gang remains nearby and may strike again.

The attack has left Bassin-Bleu deserted. Streets are empty, merchants have lost their businesses, and even priests and nuns have fled. Parents fear sending their children back to school, with some families already relocating to Port-de-Paix in search of safety. “The people of Bassin-Bleu can’t take it anymore,” one community leader said.

The raid comes amid a wave of gang expansion into provincial towns once considered safe from Port-au-Prince’s chaos. In recent weeks, gangs have burned police stations in Liancourt and Montrouis and massacred dozens in Arcahaïe.

Kokorat San Ras: Profile of a Rising Rural Gang in Haiti

Kokorat San Ras is one of the most violent rural gangs in Haiti and a key affiliate of the Viv Ansanm coalition. Operating primarily in the Artibonite Department, with extensions into the Northwest, the group has established Tibwadòm as its stronghold. Its leader, Ferdens Tilus, has been sanctioned by both the European Union and Canada for his involvement in murder, rape, kidnapping, robbery, and systematic sexual violence. The gang’s activities have forced mass displacement and worsened food insecurity in areas once considered Haiti’s agricultural heartland.

The origins of Kokorat San Ras can be traced to the mid-2010s, when the withdrawal of UN peacekeepers and the weakness of the Haitian state created a security vacuum in Artibonite. In that context, rural gangs like Kokorat San Ras and Gran Grif gained strength and later became part of Viv Ansanm, consolidating their power through political and economic networks.

The group’s tactics are defined by extreme brutality, including arson, kidnappings, and targeted killings. By setting up checkpoints and extorting farmers and transporters, they have crippled commerce in Artibonite. They have also attacked schools, banks, police stations, and health facilities, further eroding state presence in rural zones.

Key Incidents Linked to Kokorat San Ras

• September 18–19, 2025 – Bassin-Bleu (Northwest Department): Around 60 gang members stormed the commune, killing a teacher, kidnapping at least 10 residents, and burning the police station, town hall, local hospital, and commercial banks. Families fled to the mountains and rivers to escape.

• September 20–21, 2025 – L’Estère (Artibonite): Heavily armed members opened fire with automatic weapons, burned homes, and injured several residents. Dozens of families were displaced overnight.

• September 11, 2025 – Labodrie, Cabaret (Arcahaïe District): In collaboration with other Viv Ansanm groups, Kokorat San Ras fighters were implicated in a massacre that killed more than 50 civilians. Amnesty International and the UN condemned the attack.

• August 2025 – Gros-Morne (Artibonite): Armed raids targeted farming villages, forcing families to abandon cropland and worsening food insecurity.

• April 2025 – Liancourt (Artibonite): The gang participated in an assault that burned down a police station and pushed police officers into retreat.

• March 2025 – La Chapelle (Artibonite): Coordinated attacks displaced hundreds of residents and destroyed local markets.

These incidents illustrate a pattern of deliberate attacks on governance structures, rural economies, and public institutions, leaving civilian populations in a state of constant fear.

International responses have focused on sanctions and limited security interventions. The EU and Canada have designated Ferdens Tilus and Kokorat San Ras for their role in destabilizing Haiti, while the United States has moved to designate Viv Ansanm as a foreign terrorist organization. The Kenya-led Multinational Security Support Mission (MSS), deployed in 2024, has provided some security presence in Port-au-Prince but has not been able to confront rural gangs effectively due to lack of manpower and equipment. Current discussions at the UN Security Council are considering the creation of a new Gang Suppression Force of 5,550 personnel with a proactive mandate to dismantle groups like Kokorat San Ras.

The humanitarian impact of Kokorat San Ras’s rise has been devastating. The gang has destroyed agricultural livelihoods in the Artibonite Valley, Haiti’s breadbasket, while also causing mass displacement. More than 1.3 million Haitians are now internally displaced, with Artibonite emerging as one of the epicenters of forced migration.

In the short term, Kokorat San Ras is expected to continue launching raids, seizing control of rural corridors, and taxing local trade. In the medium term, its influence may shrink if the UN adopts a stronger mandate and sanctions enforcement disrupts its supply chains. However, the gang’s continued survival depends on its ability to exploit weak state structures and maintain alliances with local political and economic actors.

Halo Solutions Firm S.A. concludes that Kokorat San Ras represents one of the most serious threats to Haiti’s rural security and food stability, and its expansion underscores the urgent need for a robust international response that integrates military action, sanctions enforcement, and the dismantling of local enabling networks.

UN Faces Pressure to Approve Stronger Force in Haiti as Gang Violence Intensifies

The United States and Haiti are pressing UN member states to back the transformation of the Kenya-led Multinational Security Support Mission (MSS) into a more powerful “Gang Suppression Force,” as Haiti’s worsening insecurity dominates debates at the 80th UN General Assembly. A decisive vote at the UN Security Council is expected before the mission’s mandate expires on October 2.

The MSS was authorized in 2023 to reinforce the Haitian National Police, overwhelmed by heavily armed gangs that now control most of Port-au-Prince. But the mission has deployed only about 1,000 personnel, less than half of the 2,500 initially promised, and has struggled with shortages of funding, equipment, and logistical support. Its limited scope has allowed gangs to regroup and expand their territorial influence.

Laurent Saint-Cyr, president of Haiti’s Transitional Presidential Council, told delegates at a high-level meeting that the mission “remains too limited in capacity” and urged support for a new mandate with greater resources and authority. The United States and Panama have circulated a draft resolution that would expand the force to 5,550 uniformed personnel, including both police and soldiers, and create a UN support office to ensure steady financing and logistics.

U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau said the new force must be able to act proactively against gangs, restore security, and reduce the territory under criminal control. “The Security Council must act before the current mandate expires,” he said, warning that hesitation would risk further deterioration.

Kenyan President William Ruto, whose country leads the current deployment, defended the MSS’s record, citing improved security at the airport, presidential palace, and police headquarters. But he acknowledged that lack of adequate resources, including second-hand vehicles that broke down during operations, has endangered personnel and undermined progress. “A mission cannot succeed on goodwill alone,” Ruto said.

Diplomatic hurdles remain. China has voiced skepticism over expanding the mission without parallel political reforms in Haiti, while Russia has not yet signaled support. Both hold veto power at the Security Council.

Haiti, which has not held elections since 2016, has been governed by a transitional council since the resignation of Prime Minister Ariel Henry in 2024. Meanwhile, violence has escalated, with murders, kidnappings, and forced displacement devastating communities and pushing more than 1.3 million people from their homes.

The outcome of the upcoming Security Council vote will determine whether international efforts shift from a limited support mission to a more assertive force tasked with directly confronting Haiti’s gangs.

Panama Halts All Flights from Haiti, Citing Migration and Security Concerns

Panama has suspended all flights arriving from Haiti effective September 22, creating immediate disruption for travelers and airlines. Sunrise Airways, which operates the Port-au-Prince–Panama City route, has canceled all tickets on that line and is advising passengers to seek alternative routes and await further updates. No official explanation has been released by Panamanian authorities.

The flight ban compounds a series of travel limitations already affecting Haitians. Panama has long imposed strict immigration policies, including visa restrictions for travelers transiting through the country and is now seen by many as tightening its borders further. Observers point to several possible factors motivating the suspension: concerns over irregular migration, gaps in Haiti’s immigration and border control systems, and messages from Panama that it intends to crack down on flows toward other Latin American countries or the U.S.

The decision may also reflect broader worries about the deteriorating security situation in Haiti. Armed gang violence, political instability, and recent incidents being reported in Haitian airports and the capital have raised alarms among transit states. Additionally, Panama is reportedly aligning some of its measures with those of neighboring countries that have likewise restricted flight access or transit from Haiti, as part of efforts to stem migration and reduce security risk.

Rising Air Travel Costs in Haiti Raise Concerns Over Accessibility

In Haiti, domestic and regional air transport has become increasingly expensive, raising concerns about accessibility for ordinary travelers. With road travel often disrupted by gang activity and insecurity, airlines and helicopter companies have seen demand surge. However, passengers frequently complain of high-ticket prices, limited availability, and poor customer service.

A one-way ticket between Port-au-Prince and Cap-Haïtien, a flight lasting less than 45 minutes, can cost around USD 250, while a round-trip may reach USD 500. Regional routes are even more costly: a Miami–Cap-Haïtien ticket on Sunrise Airways can exceed USD 650, and helicopter transfers between Cap-Haïtien and Port-au-Prince may run from USD 550 to USD 650. Passengers also cite frequent delays, last-minute cancellations, and challenges with refunds.

The Haitian government recently announced an additional insurance guarantee of USD 11 million for Sunrise Airways, a measure intended to ensure passenger protection in the event of accidents. Critics, however, note that the decision was not accompanied by requirements for expanded service or lower fares in underserved areas such as Les Cayes or Jacmel.

Sunrise Airways, led by CEO Philippe Bayard, is a member of the Association of Haitian Industries (ADIH) and holds a central role in domestic aviation. With only a few direct rotations per day between the capital and Cap-Haïtien, many passengers are forced to take indirect routes, sometimes via Les Cayes, at costs exceeding USD 500.

Observers have called for greater regulation of the aviation sector to improve affordability and transparency. They argue that while airlines play a crucial role in maintaining mobility during Haiti’s ongoing security crisis, policies should balance the needs of private operators with those of the wider population, for whom air travel is becoming increasingly out of reach.

Source: Adapted from reporting by Le Quotidien509, September 16, 2025

France and the United States in Haiti: Symbolism Without Substance

Haiti faces an unprecedented crisis, yet recent declarations from Paris and Washington highlight a pattern of symbolic diplomacy rather than real solutions.

In April 2025, the French Senate adopted a resolution calling for the restoration of security in Haiti and recognizing the CARICOM-brokered Transitional Presidential Council, or CPT. This support came more than a year after the Kingston process that created the council, at a time when the CPT was already undermined by scandal, corruption, and a lack of legitimacy. The French Senate’s move stands in sharp contrast to President Emmanuel Macron, who had previously insulted the CPT. While senators now present themselves as defenders of Haiti’s transitional government, the more pressing issue remains unresolved: France’s decision on the restitution of Haiti’s independence debt, which would have direct economic impact.

Just days after the French Senate’s announcement, the United States released a statement reaffirming support for the transitional government and aligning with CARICOM’s position that any gang takeover of power is unacceptable. While this stance is firm, it risks repeating a familiar pattern in which outside powers declare solidarity but fail to provide the resources, equipment, and accountability mechanisms that Haiti urgently needs. The memory of the 2010 earthquake remains vivid, when promises of support produced little long-term progress and left Haitians disillusioned.

For ordinary Haitians, these diplomatic gestures matter far less than concrete action. Security forces remain under-equipped, transitional leaders lack credibility, and daily life is shaped by fear and instability. Symbolic statements will not change these realities.

According to analysis by Halo Solutions Firm S.A., if France and the United States truly want to demonstrate solidarity, they must move beyond posturing and act in partnership with Haitians to deliver durable results. Only concrete commitments will break the cycle of dependency and restore hope for Haiti’s future.

U.S. Sanctions Former Haitian Lawmakers Over Corruption and Destabilizing Acts

The United States has sanctioned two former Haitian parliamentarians, Antonio “Don Kato” Cheramy and Arnel Bélizaire, citing corruption and actions that undermined democratic institutions and posed threats to U.S. interests in Haiti. The announcement was made by U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau during a high-level meeting in New York with Haitian and Kenyan leaders on the Multinational Security Support Mission.

According to State Department spokesperson Tommy Pigott, both Cheramy and Bélizaire were found to have engaged in “significant corruption” during their time in office, abusing their positions to interfere in public processes. As a result, the former legislators and their immediate families are now barred from entering the United States. “Their actions had severe consequences for Haiti’s governance and directly undermined U.S. national interests,” Pigott said in a statement published by the U.S. Embassy in Port-au-Prince.

Bélizaire in particular has a history of confrontation with both Haitian authorities and international actors. As a former deputy, he was linked to incidents where his rhetoric and activities were viewed as direct threats to stability and to U.S. diplomatic interests. U.S. officials have privately cited his role in organizing pressure campaigns against institutions such as the U.S. Embassy in Port-au-Prince and international schools, including the Union School, as examples of his destabilizing influence. In addition, local reporting has connected Bélizaire to efforts that disrupted foreign-linked businesses, including enterprises such as the Coco Company, further aggravating tensions between Haitian political actors and the U.S. mission.

The State Department emphasized that these sanctions reaffirm Washington’s commitment to accountability for individuals whose actions destabilize Haiti. The move also signals a harder line from the U.S. against political figures accused of exploiting insecurity for personal or political gain.

U.S. Reports Major Seizures of Weapons and Narcotics Bound for Haiti

The United States Embassy in Haiti announced Friday that U.S. Homeland Security Investigations (HSI) seized more than 23,000 weapons and narcotics destined for Haiti this year, with an estimated total value exceeding one million U.S. dollars.

In a statement posted on social media, the embassy underscored Washington’s commitment to continue working with Haitian authorities to disrupt arms and drug trafficking networks. “The security of Haiti is important to the United States,” the message read. Embassy officials, however, did not provide a breakdown of the seizures, including the precise number of firearms, the quantity or type of narcotics, or the number of suspects under investigation. A diplomatic source clarified only that the seizures included “items” intended for illicit shipment.

The announcement comes amid a broader U.S. crackdown on the flow of weapons and illicit funds to Haiti’s criminal organizations. On May 5, 2025, a senior American official warned that the Department of Justice would begin pursuing individuals and networks in the United States that finance or supply arms to Haitian gangs. These include the Viv Ansanm and Gran Grif coalitions, both of which have been designated as Foreign Terrorist Organizations by the State Department.

Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau reiterated the warning in a public statement earlier this year, declaring: “If you send money or weapons to Haitian gangs from the United States, we will come after you. We will not allow you to destabilize Haiti from our country.” The Justice Department is expected to announce additional investigations in the coming weeks, marking what could be a significant step in Washington’s pledged campaign to cut off support to Haiti’s armed groups.

UNODC and Japan Launch Initiative to Strengthen Haiti’s Border Security

The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), with support from the Government of Japan, has launched a new program to help Haiti reinforce its land and maritime borders and improve the monitoring of illicit financial flows. The initiative is aligned with UN Security Council Resolutions 2692 (2023) and 2743 (2024), which call for stronger international engagement to address Haiti’s growing security crisis.

According to a joint statement released Thursday, the program will focus on three key priorities. First, new control units will be established and equipped at critical land crossings to strengthen interdiction capacity against weapons, narcotics, and other contraband. Second, UNODC will continue producing quarterly reports to the Security Council on illicit flows, providing vital data to Haitian and international partners. Third, the Haitian Coast Guard will be reinforced with specialized training and modern equipment to improve its ability to operate and make decisions in high-risk environments.

The statement emphasized that this initiative complements ongoing efforts by the Haitian National Police, the General Administration of Customs, and other international partners. It also responds to urgent concerns about the spread of armed groups that have expanded control over key supply routes and border areas, fueling the trafficking of weapons and drugs.

Japan’s support reflects its longstanding partnership with Haiti. In recent years, Tokyo has provided humanitarian assistance in the aftermath of natural disasters, contributed to infrastructure projects, and backed police capacity-building programs through UN agencies. By combining technical expertise with financial resources, Japan aims to help Haiti curb illicit flows that directly contribute to violence and instability.

Protest in Cap-Haïtien Over Possible Leadership Change at the Port Authority

Dozens of residents staged violent protests in Cap-Haïtien after hearing that Ronald Célicourt, the northern departmental director of the National Port Authority (APN), might be replaced by the central government. Demonstrators set tires on fire outside the APN office, prompting police intervention. Gunfire was heard during the unrest, although no deaths or serious injuries were reported.

Around 50 protesters, including APN employees and political activists, gathered on September 18 under light rain to demand that Célicourt remain in his post. Demonstrations continued the following day in front of the port authority. Some participants argued that Célicourt had accomplished important work in the city and warned that his removal could disrupt port operations.

The government has not confirmed his departure, but protesters claim that former APN General Director Jocelyn Villier requested Célicourt’s transfer to Port-au-Prince before Villier himself was dismissed in connection with corruption allegations. On the same day as the protests, the Transitional Presidential Council announced new appointments at state institutions, naming Evens Charles as APN’s new general director, Elysée Colagène to head the National Education Fund, and Gérald Remplais to lead the General Administration of Customs.

Célicourt has faced controversy since taking charge of the northern APN in June 2024. He has been accused of nepotism and embezzlement, allegedly hiring relatives at the port and building a large home in Richardville at a rapid pace, though no proof has been presented. Activist groups have called for his arrest, and the Popular Association of the North recently submitted a corruption complaint against him to Haiti’s Anti-Corruption Unit. Célicourt has not publicly responded to these accusations.

It remains unclear who would succeed him if he was officially removed. Earlier this week, Moïse Cadet was appointed assistant director of the APN in the northern region, fueling speculation about a leadership transition.

143 Haitian Soldiers Return from Mexico Training Amid Expanding Gang Violence

Haiti welcomed back 143 soldiers from an eight-week training program in Mexico as the country faces a surge in gang violence spreading far beyond the capital.

The contingent, made up of 128 men and 15 women, was received at Toussaint Louverture International Airport by Transitional Presidential Council President Laurent Saint-Cyr, Prime Minister Alix Didier Fils-Aimé, Defense Minister Jean Michel Moïse, and the Mexican Ambassador. Their training covered firearms handling, self-defense, and human rights.

Officials said the troops will immediately rejoin operations against armed groups that now control more than 90 percent of Port-au-Prince and have expanded into provincial towns such as Mirebalais, Liancourt, Kenscoff, Arcahaie, and Bassin-Bleu. Recent attacks in these areas have included killings, kidnappings, and the torching of police stations, banks, and hospitals.

The deployment comes as the Kenya-led Multinational Security Support Mission remains under-resourced and confined mostly to perimeter security. Frustration over its limited impact has prompted U.S. and regional allies to push for a new Gang Suppression Force with a more aggressive mandate.

The Mexico training is part of a broader effort to rebuild Haiti’s army, disbanded in 1995 and revived in 2017. The Armed Forces of Haiti (FAd’H) currently number about 1,300 soldiers, far fewer than the 7,000 of past decades. In parallel, 25 soldiers are in Martinique for training under the Haiti-France Sabre program, focused on urban combat and rescue operations.

U.S. Coast Guard and Turks and Caicos Authorities Intercept Overloaded Haitian Vessel

A joint operation involving the U.S. Coast Guard Cutter Campbell, an HC-144 aircraft from Aviation Training Center Mobile, and the Royal Turks and Caicos Islands Police Force intercepted an overloaded Haitian sailing vessel carrying 103 people about 15 miles off the Turks and Caicos.

The Campbell crew distributed life jackets and escorted the vessel to Providenciales, citing serious safety concerns. Officials said the response was part of Operation Vigilant Sentry, a multi-agency effort that maintains air, land, and sea patrols across the Florida Straits, the Windward and Mona Passages, and the wider Caribbean.

Authorities emphasized that Operation Vigilant Sentry is designed both to safeguard lives at sea and to prevent unlawful maritime migration. The Coast Guard said its combined approach protects the safety of the maritime domain while ensuring the economic and national security of the United States and its partners.